profile : Joseph Samuel Nye Jnr

                                     

   By Doreen Muyonga

Introduction

Joseph Samuel Nye Jnr born on 19th January 1937 is a renowned American Political Scientist with high expertise in Foreign Policy, Nuclear issues, Soft power, International Security and Defense. The Scholar holds a PhD in Political Science from Harvard.

Nye has served as Dean at Kennedy School of Government at Harvard. The Scholar has also worked in Bill Clinton’s administration as an Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (Wikipedia).
The Scholar, currently a distinguished service Professor, has been recognized and awarded widely with the following: States Intelligence Community Distinguished Service Medal; Princeton University’s Woodraw Wilson prize; American Political Science Association prize of Charles E. Merrimar; and awarded order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Star (Nye 2014).

More importantly, the Scholar has been ranked the fifth most influential International Relations Scholars for the last twenty years. He has also been ranked among the top 100 global thinkers who ever lived. Nye has over 14 books, a novel and over 150 articles all under his name (Nye, 2013). Some of his classics include: The Future of Power; The Powers to Lead; The Power Game; Soft Power; Power in the Global Information Age; Paradox of Americas Power; Understanding International Conflicts; Bound to Lead; Power and Interdependence.

Nye’s writings were inspired by the changes in world politics and especially in America. According to Keohane and Nye (1977), the 1970s were seen as the years of Interdependence, in the 1980s, the world was distressed and unease due to security concerns since there was a lot of use of force. The Vietnam war and détente reduced the importance of nuclear competition. Again, Nye (1988) explains that the oil crises and the collapse of the Breton woods intimated that there existed a dynamic shift in the World Political Economy. These meant that the world was leaning towards a global society and because of the fluid context of power relations, conflicts could only be solved on basis of bargaining and not mounting a war.

In addition, the Scholars development of Complex Interdependence came at an exact time of UNs agenda of economic growth and social advancement. Keohane and Nye (1997) disclosed that organizations such as EC and OPEC had caused states to interlink, meaning for states to operate alone was going to be a daunting task.

Consequently, Keohane and Nye’s (1989) thinking was also instigated by the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan, seizure of Iran’s hostages as well as the continuing buildup of Soviets strategic forces. Instead of focusing on North-South issues and activities of Multilateral Institutions, the East-West confrontations were the order of the day for America. For instance, the US continued use of military force against weak states like Libya was quite horrifying.

Nye (2014) exposes that as circumstances continued to vary, military and economic indices of power continued to lessen. It is important to note that after the cold war, America was struggling to define its place without the Soviet Union’s threat. Actors in world politics were worried about shifting balances of power resulting to tension and miscalculations of powerful states. Again, the rise of Japanese power and the US power decline were worrying effects of WWII. These only meant that America’s strength was as a result of wars.

In addition, Nye’s development of the concept of Soft power coincided with the end of cold war. Nye (1991) was more concerned with the change of power, growing interdependence and important role of US in international stability and peace. The Scholar demonstrated that after WWI, the responsibility of international stability and peace was a collective responsibility but after the Cold war, the entire responsibility had been put on America.

The scholars underlying assumptions

In this period of complex interdependence, the nature of politics in the international system is shifting.
The world has become more interdependent with regards to economics, information and communications and human interactions.
The state is no longer a unitary actor, non-territorial/trans boundary actors are also key in world politics.

There are numerous issues with no hierarchy which can form agendas in the international system, which military power is of less importance.
Powerful institutions with powerful norms can indeed play a role similar to that of a state both domestically and in the international system.

Central Thesis of the Scholars works

The central thesis of Nye’s writings is the importance of International Institutions which forms his unit of analysis. The Scholar envisioned a world with global governance and international organizations to develop rules and norms that would go a long way in regulating states behavior and fostering environmental stability, human rights and economic development. Against all odds, Keohane and Nye (1977) challenged Political Realism and emerged the pioneers of Neoliberalism and Liberal Institutionalism.

Further, the Scholars reveal that military power though important is slowly diminishing as a key foreign policy tool, therefore increase in economic and other forms of interdependence will boost cooperation among states. Nye (1990) established that the cooperation that international institutions can provide is unrivalled. Therefore, international institutions are a central authority which regulates state behavior and sets agendas among states. Nye advances the concepts of complex interdependence and soft power in all his writings.

Epistemological, methodological and Ontological contributions of the Scholar to the field of International Relations.

Nye’s Ontology

The ontology of the Scholars writings is that the state is not a unitary actor in the international system, and that there exist other important non-territorial or trans boundary actors such as International Organizations, Multinational Corporations and Transnational Social Movements. The Scholar argues that International Institutions play a significant role in setting the global agenda. These Institutions are also a voice of weaker states. According to the Scholar, International Institutions are a means to accomplish cooperation among states.

Nye’s Epistemology

The scholars’ epistemological approach is carried through positivism, empiricism, reflectivism and rationalism. Nye observes the behavior of states and non-state actors as well as the behavior of key decision makers in foreign policy decision making process, these speaks to empiricism and positivism in pursuit of getting knowledge. The Scholar also adopts an empirical approach when he studies society and the natural world around him. Further, the Scholar subjects his arguments to empirical validation in determining the truth which points to positivism. More importantly, the Scholar is a reflectivist theorist, he believes that social world is constructed by ideas, values and language. Lastly, the Scholar is a rationalist, arguments in his writings point towards cooperation among state powers.

Nye’s Methodology

Nye’s methodology is qualitative in nature; he uses the empirical approach through observation as he examines world events as they unfold in order to acquire fast hand information to advance his arguments. It is also important to note that the Scholar served in the Bill Clintons administration as the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. Meaning, he directly interacted with key decision makers. In addition, the Scholar employs the behavioral approach to study the behavior of these Foreign policy decision makers in order to get deeper meaning of what influences their decisions.

Complex Interdependence

Keohane and Nye (1977) sought to interrogate the nature of relationships taking place in the world beyond the assumption of Realism. The Scholars established the concept of Complex Interdependence which they submitted was basically shared effects among actors resulting from International transactions like flows of money, commodities, individuals and information across borders. Keohane and Nye (1989) emphasized on the existing differences in economic interdependence as well as information flows.
Further, the Scholars demonstrated that these dynamics should be appreciated since they are the underlying processes that enable contextual understanding of Complex Interdependence.

Further, Keohane and Nye (1977) argued that Complex interdependence entailed three characteristics: The actors are states and non-state actors with multiple channels of action between interstates, trans governmental relations as well as transnational relations; the absence of a hierarchy of issues with changing linkages between priority issues; and a decline in the use of military and coercive power.

Keohane and Nye (1998) examined the OPEC oil crisis and saw the US was less sensitive than Japan because less of its oil was imported. The Scholars maintained that sensitivity is not a permanent issue and can be sorted in this case by negotiating and adjusting prices, finding new supplies or simply relying on one’s own oil. Further, the Scholars argued that the issue of vulnerability is permanent and that policy change cannot save much. Meaning, if one state supplied oil and increased the prices then other states will have no choice but to pay.

Soft power

The Soft power concept originated from Nye. He coined the concept in his (1990) book Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of America Power. The Scholar further developed the concept in his (2004) book Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. The Scholar sought to describe the capacity to attract and co-opt rather than coercing and use of force or issuing money as a way to persuade. Nye (1988) disclosed that the key determining factor of a super power was its victory in war but this was slowly fading away. In addition, the Scholar posits that population, territory, natural resources, economic capabilities, military capabilities and political stability are no longer key determinants of a state’s power. Instead, issues of technology, education, economic growth are now the crucial pointers of power.

Nye (2004) argues that during the cold war, geopolitics was essential for the super powers in weakening each other. The Scholar adds that geopolitics played out in the Afghanistan and Vietnam war. Overholt (1980) discloses that the Vietnam war literally drained America in terms of its military force and motivation since Americas logistical capability to sustain forces in an inaccessible area as Afghanistan had completely weakened. The Scholar adds that Soviet Union’s military buildup was solid which translated into strengthening of Soviets logistical ability adequate to endure an operation in a remote area as Afghanistan. More importantly, Nye (2007) reveals that culture, values and policies are the major elements of soft power while investment, aid, exchange programs, diplomacy and media can be used to project the success of soft power. Further, the Scholar holds that women participation, human rights record and protection of freedom of minorities are potential indicators of soft power.

Nye (1991) concedes that most regime changes have been influenced by use of Soft power. For instance, the Arab Spring, the world has witnessed groups of young people in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen use peaceful protests and social media to rise up against rogue regimes with a view to condemn lack of democracy, human rights violations, corruption and unemployment as described by Beinin and Vairel (2011). Further, Nye (2014) holds that the use of International Institutions by world leaders is also a form of soft power. Again, US aligning itself with other states or multilateral corporations to put pressure on Iran was in itself Soft power.

Relevance of the Scholars works

To date, Nye’s thinking about power and interdependence has not been rendered irrelevant, in fact interdependence in today’s world is real. For instance, the EU has become closer and larger with most states rushing to join the EU as well as NATO. US led an intense drive to establish and enlarge International Institutions such as WTO, World Bank and IMF. Baldwin (2002) adds that America and Europe have seen the importance of soft power and have embarked on a global mission of influencing the rest of the world to follow suit.

Blanchard and Fujia (2012) reveals that Nye’s concept of soft power is now widely used by analysts and statesmen in international affairs. For instance, Hu Jintao, China’s General Secretary during the 17th communist party congress urged China to maximize its soft power. Again, China’s former vice president Annette Lu on her tour in South Korea, championed for the use of soft power to resolve international conflicts. The Former US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates argued that there was urgent need to enhance America’s soft power by championing for increase in spending on civilian instruments of national security, diplomacy, strategic communication, foreign assistance, civic action, economic reconstruction and development.

China’s Belt and Road initiative though quite ambitious, showcases a Soft power strategy. The initiative is purely a connectivity of systems and mechanisms to address infrastructural gaps as argued by Weidong (2015). The initiative pays attention to infrastructural investment, education, railway, highway, automobile, real estate, iron and steel. The initiative has come under sharp criticism in the recent past. Munene (2018) reveals that Obama views Chinese investments in Africa as exploitative. Chinese projects are tied to political pacts through which Chinese companies get exclusive bidding rights. Again, substandard projects funded by china’s low priced loans greatly hinders a host states ability to repay the debt.

For instance, in the Kenyan case, the Standard Gauge Railway has been marred with controversy with many critics pointing to exaggerated costs. In addition, Chinese continued involvement in peace missions, health issues, cultural issues, academic and language exchange programs are soft power indicators. Gallarotti (2000) maintains that China has also initiated international multilateral organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. India has not been left behind either, it has been putting emphasis on soft power strategies especially with its relations with Afghanistan.

Crane and Amawi (2007) contends that India has initiated the Technical and Economic Cooperation Program where politicians and bureaucrats across the globe have had the privilege to study in India. India is also keen on providing aid to underdeveloped states. More importantly, India diaspora constitutes the biggest instruments of its soft power, it provides support for their state in cultivating influence and support for its policies in the states they have opted to reside in.

Nye’s works under siege

Nye (1990) developed Soft power when it was almost impossible to use it since hard power was the order of the day. Although there is no serious challenge to Nye’s thinking, Ferguson (2011) emerged with claims that Soft power was quite ineffective. Also, Neo-realists have come up in arms to disregard Soft power as unproductive against hard power. Consequently, Blanchard and Fujia (2012) argues that strong states make rules and therefore sort of dominate weak states.

Again, the Scholars maintains that with the end of cold war, the dynamics of security matters has shifted to cover numerous issues such as human rights, unemployment, immigration, terrorism, illicit arms, drug trafficking, aids, cultural issues and environmental problems. These scenarios have weakened the role of states and the systems they relied upon which has translated to emergence of new security threats.

Lastly, Gallarotti (2000) discloses that in the new agenda, the capacity of states and governments to provide satisfactory solutions to the major security issues are restricted mainly because these new issues are not found solely within their jurisdiction. What these only means is that solutions to these security problems require collaborative action and so independent efforts are bound to fail.

Conclusion

There is no doubt that Nye has made massive contributions to the field of International Relations. The Scholars concepts of Complex Interdependence and Soft power have resonated well with many leading to Institutionalization of International Relations. Again, Nye’s arguments and assumptions have risen so fast in the hierarchy of scholarly and public debates in the recent past and captured attention of leading decision makers around the globe. It goes without saying that International Institutions have stretched and made to deepen.
The EU, UN, IMF, WTO and World Banks membership has grown as well as expansion of their operations. Again, it is now evident that the power of decision making has now been delegated to this International Institutions as the Scholar envisioned. Additionally, International Institutions have extended their influence into policy areas which was under normal circumstances a preserve of individual states. More importantly cooperation has become inevitable in the international system and has been formalized by International law.

Nye’s (2004) Soft power was in itself a call to repair some of the damage done by the excessive use of hard power by the Bush administrations military invasion of Iraq. In this regard, the scholars vision has been realized which was to create immense attention to Soft power with a view to showcase the changing landscape of international politics. Going forward Soft power will continue to dominate international outcomes since it is increasingly becoming difficult to coerce actors by advancing hard power.

References
Beinin, J. & Vairel, F. (2011). Social Movements, Mobilization and Contestation in Middle East and North Africa. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Baldwin, D.A. (2002). Power and International Relations. London: Sage. 
Blanchard, J. F., and Fujia, L. (2012). Thinking Hard about Soft Power: A Review and Critique of the Literature on China and Soft Power, Asian Perspective, 36(4), 565-89.
Crane, G.T. & Amawi, A. (2007). Theoretical evolution of international political economy: A Reader Illustrated. New York: Oxford University Press.
Ferguson, N. (2011). Civilization: The West and the Rest: London: Allen Lande.
Gallarotti, G.M. (2000). The Advent of the Prosperous Society: The Rise of Guardian States and Structural Change in the World Economy. Review of International Political Economy, 7, 1–52.
Keohane, R.O. & Nye, J.S. (1977). Power and Interdependence: Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman/Little, Brown.
Keohane, R.O., and Nye, J.S. (1989). Power and Interdependence: 2nd edition, Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman/Little, Brown.
Keohane, R.O., and Nye, J.S. (1997). Interdependence in World Politics. In Crane, G.T. & Amawi, A. The Theoretical evolution of international political economy: New York: Oxford University Press.
Keohane, R.O., and Nye, J.S. (1998). Power and Interdependence in the Information Age, Foreign Affairs, 77, 81–94.
Munene, M.S (2018) http://hipsir.hekima.ac.ke/index.php/news-and-events/220-china-and-the-taking-over-africa-narrative accessed 13/10/2018
Nye, J. S., (1988) Review: Neorealism and Neoliberalism: World Politics, 40 2, 235-251
Nye, J.S. (1990). Bound to Lead: Changing Nature of American Power. New York: Basic Book.
Nye, J S. (2004). Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York, NY: Public Affairs.
Nye, J S. (2007). Understanding International Conflicts: Introduction to Theory and History. 6th ed. New York, NY: Pearson Longman.
Nye, J. S. (2013). Do Presidents Matter? Dispatches. Leadership. The Atlantic. 311(5), 13–15.
Joseph Samuel Nye Jnr
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Nye accessed 13/10/2018
Joseph Samuel Nye Jnr (2014)
https://www.hks.harvard.edu/faculty/joseph-nye accessed 13/10/2018

Overholt, W.H. (1980). Geopolitics of the Afghan War: An American Review, 7(4), 205-217

Weidong, L. (2015). Scientific Understanding of Belt and Road Initiative of China. Progress in Geography, 34(5), 538-544.